Schooling in Rural and Urban Areas of the Himalayas

A Matter of Quality:
A Study of People's Perceptions and Expectations
from Schooling in Rural and Urban Areas of Uttarakhand

SANSHODHAN

Research and Advocacy Wing

Society for Integrated Development of Himalayas

by Pawan Gupta

CONTENTS:

PREFACE
SURVEY METHODOLOGY
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
MAJOR FINDINGS
CONCLUSIONS
DISCUSSION
RECOMMENDATIONS
STUDY AREA
TARGET GROUP
PROBE QUESTIONS
NOTES
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

PREFACE
For the past ten years SIDH, a voluntary organization, has been involved in providing educational opportunities to those deprived of it, in the rural areas of Tehri Garhwal district in Central Himalayas. SIDH started its first school in Jaunpur block of Tehri district, as a direct response to the needs of the community. As a result of its responsiveness to the community many changes have taken place which are reflected in SIDH's programs. Over the years, SIDH has grown from one to 18 primary and pre-primary schools (in villages where there are no government schools).

During the course of SIDH's work it was observed that most parents were unhappy with the impact of the present education system upon their children. SIDH gradually began focusing on issues of quality and relevance and exploring the links between micro and macro issues – between education and the larger sociopolitical, cultural and historical context within which it operated. Today SIDH attempts to identify the assumptions underlying the current system of education in the country and is experimenting with alternatives to formal education.

The present study hopes to gain an insight into the relevance of the present education system in the country by examining people's perceptions regarding education. It has been a tremendous learning experience for the research team. During the research we realized that perhaps our colonial past forced us to be servile for so long, that we have forgotten to speak out what we really think or feel. Instead we speak what we presume, others would want to hear. Our aspirations are molded by the dominant classes and instead of challenging them to change their ways we tend to imitate them. Therefore it is difficult to find out the real needs. A question asked one way may give a certain kind of response, while the same question asked in a different manner may evoke a response quite contrary to the previous one. These contradictions and conflicts need to be examined sensitively, keeping in mind the historical reasons for such behavior. This study not only examines the contradictions and conflicts but also throws light on how aspirations and attitudes are molded by modern education. If the responses are examined deeply then the sharp contrast between the responses of urban, rural; male, female; and illiterate, literate reveals many significant issues.

The idea of the research project was to find out what people thought about education. So the obvious area of exploration was their definition of a good school and other questions along similar lines. We had discussions with varied groups from both rural and urban areas along these lines. The initial responses were not unexpected. They have been recorded by other research projects that have restricted themselves to matters of access like enrollment and dropout rates (and their reasons); infrastructure needs etc. Had we also left it at that, even then, it would still have been a valid research project. Our findings and recommendations, in that case, would have been restricted to the problem of access. But we probed further and in the course of this pursuit we stumbled upon the contradictions which is perhaps the lot of a society mesmerized into imitating without questioning. These conflicts and contradictions reveal that it is not access but relevance, which is a major concern of the people. It is quite possible that the problem of access will be resolved to a large extent if we make necessary changes according to the real needs of the people. This is possible only if the people are heard sensitively keeping in mind the fact that Indians, by and large, have a different way of responding. They are not as forthright as their western counterparts. If deeper examination is not done the conclusions could be quite contrary to what is actually being said.

For us this study was a very humbling experience, because our findings in a way only confirmed what Gandhiji knew without having undertaken such elaborate exercises more than 80–90 years ago. The heartening thing was that our so-called 'uneducated' women and men still speak the language of Gandhiji. This study brings out the clarity of thought and lack of dilemmas among the rural, low income, and illiterate groups, compared to the urban, high-income, literate groups. Perhaps, the sentiments of the people or 'community', need to be taken seriously by our policymakers.

In considering the findings of this study, it is clear that people are not happy with the present education system in India and its exclusive focus on imparting information. They want a value-based and economically relevant system just like Gandhiji did; one which will be a means toward making their children responsible and useful members of society. Yet, as the study indicates, there is immense social pressure to continue sending children to schools, regardless of the quality of education received. Why have Gandhiji's ideas on education be given so little attention and not seriously implemented in independent India? Why is it that most parents failed to make a connection between the results of education that they desire to see in their children and the kind of schools which are going to lead them there? Significantly, there was little comment on the qualitative aspects of schools such as the curriculum and pedagogy. People agreed on the need for change yet they did not have any positive suggestions on how to improve the system.

Gandhiji often talked about the difficulties of trying to change the system of which one is a product, as well as of the paralyzing effects of modern education and State-domination on the ability to envision alternatives.   The close links between dominant ideologies of 'development', 'progress', market economics and modern education makes it very difficult to defy conventions and work toward alternatives. In fact, the dominant system is so pervasive that the alternatives that exist are isolated and can never become the norm. Yet, as Gandhiji believed, it is still the responsibility of individuals who have a sense of perspective and are able to see the larger picture, even if they are a part of it, to continue to fight the tide and provide examples of the possibility of alternatives.

We fought and overthrew foreign domination but it remains in a different garb. Physical domination is no longer necessary - the control of the mind and sophistication in technology make it possible to exert even greater influence without physically dominating the country. Education plays a vital role in influencing the mind, which is confirmed by this research. The contrast between the answers of women and men on the one hand and the 'illiterates' and the 'literates' on the other are most revealing. Professor U. R. Ananthmurthy had once said, "Thank God for illiterates of my country. It is they who have kept India still intact and alive." We could also say so after this experience. Perhaps it is good that we have a high rate of illiteracy, not only because we will then have less people, in Prof. Saran's words, to be 'exorcised of false learnings' but also because we will have more resources to learn from. The highlights of this study are some profound and simply articulated suggestions by rural illiterate women.

We feel there is a flaw in the design of most research studies: the researcher tends to exclude his/her own class from the research sample. This could be because of the focus on 'objectivity' in the western scientific paradigm or because of our colonial past which excluded the elite from the majority. It is normally the more advantaged people like us, who conduct most of the research and it is not surprising that their findings and recommendations are very much in alignment with the world view of the powers-that-be. Perhaps this is because we who conduct these studies have false notions of our own superiority and a superficial self-confidence, and are not aware or willing to examine our own biases and our past. Hence the research often leads to conclusions which collaborate the views of the ruling elite. In this study we often had this problem. Our own guilt and prejudices kept creeping in unnoticed and only an honest self examination, which was both disturbing and painful, helped us overcome the hurdle. We are indebted to Dharampalji[1] whose books and essays helped us to constantly introspect, which was essential for gaining the insight, which we have tried to bring out in this study.

It is generally believed that the issue of access is more important than quality, but the two are entirely different issues. On a journey, it is more important to check whether we are going in the right direction, before we start counting the number of miles we have covered. If the direction is wrong then we will surely end up perpetuating our initial mistake. Therefore the issue of quality and relevance must be given priority. It is in this context that SIDH decided to make a systematic inquiry about the perception of the community about the present education system and also their expectations. This would enable SIDH to work towards making education a tool for social transformation.

Many of the findings in this study challenge the inherent assumptions behind the 18 core indicators identified under the Education for All 2000 Assessment exercise being carried out globally. The country reports are to be presented in Dakar, Senegal in April 2000. This study hopes to draw the attention of the policy makers to the issue of relevance in education instead of only focusing on the quantitative aspects of education.

SURVEY METHODOLOGY

Phase 1: Plan and Design of the Research

After 10 years of experience SIDH felt the need to study community perspectives regarding education, both to improve SIDH's school program and to forcefully communicate the voices of the marginalized majority to those in power. As a result SIDH set up a research and advocacy wing – Sanshodhan – to conduct studies which could be used as an advocacy tool. This study was conceived by Pawan K. Gupta and Anuradha Joshi as a result of their experience with SIDH schools and frequent interactions with the community. When the study was conceived the idea was to study conditions of success for a primary school (to compare NGO-run schools and government schools) and also to study the impact of education on social values and behavior (a village-level perspective).

The subject of the study was then shared with field team members and it was decided not to engage in a comparative study between government schools and NGO schools as it would be an exercise in futility. After intense discussion the broad objectives were finalized as:

Identification of the parameters of a good school

Identification of the parameters of a successful school

The differences and similarities between the two and any significant patterns in the perception of people according to sex, income and urbanization.

The objectives at this stage were based upon the assumption that people have different perceptions about the real and the ideal – a good school and a successful school – and that the study would help to identify the gaps and similarities between the two. It was decided to have three kinds of respondents: parents, teachers and children, both from rural and urban areas. It was felt necessary to include the perspectives of elite schools as well. The respondents would be categorized on the basis of income, gender and rural/urban. The villages of Jaunpur block comprised the rural sample (See Appendix 1 for details of Jaunpur) while the towns of Mussoorie and Dehradun comprised the urban sample. It was decided that qualitative methods, namely FGDs (Focus Group Discussions) and Interviews would be largely used. Three field research assistants Jagmohan, Siya and Jaipal were selected to work under the guidance of Anuradha.

Phase 2: Mobilizing the Research Team

i) Orientation

An orientation session for the research team was conducted by Anuradha. The need and the objectives of the study and its relevance in today's social and political climate as an advocacy tool were discussed. The need for this research became the basis of the introductory address in the field before an interview or a FGD. The target group and its details (See section on sampling and also Appendix 2) were discussed, and parameters for selecting the high income group (HIG), and low income group (LIG) in both rural and urban areas decided. The importance of team spirit was underlined.

ii) Training

All three team members had been trained in qualitative research methods and had prior experience of data collection in the field. However a refresher course was conducted in qualitative research methods, with special emphasis on listening skills, open-ended questions and probing techniques. There was need for additional training in recording and analyzing the raw data and so a workshop in analysis of data was conducted. At this juncture we got some timely suggestions from Amod Khanna, an expert in applied research in education, and Glynnis George an anthropologist from Canada engaged in postdoctoral research. Both gave invaluable suggestions about operational sing the objectives, through simple yet effective methods.

iii) Management of raw data

Techniques of recording the raw data of interviews and FGDs was shared with the team. They were asked to work in pairs and always have a debriefing session after each session to record their personal observations, nonverbal signals of participants, feelings or insights gained. Meticulous records were kept, and wherever possible an audio recorder was used during interviews and FGDs.

iv) Review and Supervision

As the process documentation was important the team was asked to keep records of their problems, suggestions and learning at the end of each day. As Jagmohan had the maximum research experience, he was asked to hold review sessions for the rural area and Anuradha for the urban area, where problems and difficulties were discussed and sorted out.

Phase 3: Pre-test and Subsequent Changes

As a result of further discussions within the research team the objectives were reformulated and questions restated to fulfill the objectives. An exercise to convert the questions into simple everyday language (based on the profile of the target group) was conducted. At this stage it was decided to drop Dehradun and concentrate only on Mussoorie. After a presentation to senior SIDH members, a topic guide was prepared and a tentative schedule for a pre-test was finalized. A pilot survey was conducted before the actual survey so as to sensitize the investigators to problems, to help them develop interview skills and guide them on how to do in-depth probing.

A pretest was conducted to test the topic guide. After the test, a debriefing with senior team members led to the identification of gaps and consequent modifications. Most of the responses indicated that the people rejected the assumption underlying the original objectives. People made no distinction between good and successful schools, as they perceived a cause-effect relationship between a good and successful school. A good school was successful and vice versa. Hence the aim of the research was redefined as exploring peoples' perceptions about a good school and its relevance, and impact upon children. The objectives of the study were then limited to studying the impact of education on social values and behavior, and expectations of people from schools and children. It was also found that literacy and age played a significant role in affecting the responses. So these two variables were added to the list of variables: income, urbanization and gender. The pretest also revealed that it was necessary to define a middle income group. Accordingly the parameters of the income groups were modified.

Phase 4: Development of field strategy

As the survey was qualitative in nature, five open-ended questions were selected (See Appendix 3). A topic guide was designed to help the facilitators. The facilitators were asked to be alert towards all judgmental responses, and probe these in greater depth. The questionnaire had space for reporting the personal comments of the facilitator on verbal and nonverbal responses of the participants. Demographic data of the participants (name, age, sex, number of members in the household, number of children, children going to school, income from various sources, etc.) were also recorded.

It was decided to have an unstructured format with open-ended questions. This was done so that the differences in response could emerge spontaneously, and prevent stereotyped and cryptic responses that are often given to leading/structured questions. This method helped us to collect rich, qualitative data which revealed the differences in perceptions and priorities of the people in the different categories.

Details of the field strategy, like selection of the target group, venue, preparation of the site etc. were discussed. It was decided to start with the rural area and have a mid-term review before continuing with the urban area. Both FGDs and interviews were used for collecting qualitative information. The research team consisted of a reporter who noted down the entire information ad verbatim, and a facilitator who led the discussions. The discussions were also recorded on audio except when the participants objected to the use of the audio system.

The sequence of activities at this stage was as follows:

1. Preparing a Topic guide for FGDs, for the different sections of the target group.

2.   Identifying and listing the participants for the FGDs, and asking their preference of time and place of FGDs.

3. Preparing the site, time and material for the FGDs as far as possible.

4.   Informing the participants about the time and venue of the FGDs, and getting their confirmation.

5.   Conducting the FGDs

The data collection took place between November 1998 to March 1999. The interviews were conducted either at home or at school. The FGDs were conducted at SIDH's training center at Kempty. The target groups were informed about the purpose of the visit, followed by the FGD and interview session. At the end of every month a presentation was given to senior SIDH members and the feedback received was incorporated.

Phase 5: Analysis of Data and Report Writing

The raw data was analyzed according to majority and minority responses and then compiled. Responses of each group according to age, literacy, gender, income and urban/rural area were compared within the group and with other groups. Representative quotes were collected. Some patterns were identified and the insights gained as a result of identifying the conflicts and dilemmas within peoples' responses were recorded. An 8-day workshop was held for analyzing the data, which was then presented in a 1-day workshop to senior team members. Based on the feedback received the team members visited the field again for three days to fill the gaps. Another 8-day workshop was held to complete the analysis. After the analysis was complete the report was written out. The raw data reports (interviews and FGDs) are available separately.

Sampling

The sample included parents, children and teachers from both rural and urban areas. The total number of respondents was 168. They were divided into the following categories:

Parents:

HIG Urban

MIG Urban

LIG Urban

HIG Rural

MIG Rural

LIG Rural

Teachers:

From Urban elite schools

From Urban govt. schools

From Rural goat schools

From Rural NGO schools

Notes From the Field

At the end of the research the team reviewed their work and made the following suggestions for those who would like to have a follow-up or would like to replicate this study.

The crucial issue for the field researchers was to extract the true feelings of the respondents. The difficulties faced were:

Women are always hard-pressed for time and could not spare much time for discussions.

Since the researcher was a local person a lot of things were taken for granted. Also, feeling comfortable with the researcher they would go off the point and get involved in local gossip or arguments unrelated to the topic being discussed.

In FGDs one person would dominate the group and the others would keep silent either out of respect for the other person or because they had not thought about the issue themselves.

Sometimes the respondents, specially rural government teachers, would get defensive and not give honest answers.

The suggestions of the team were:

Use the interview method for people who do not open up in group discussions.

Respondents who get defensive must be handled sympathetically.

The use of an audio recorder distracts the respondents. Hence if the equipment is kept out of sight it eases the flow of conversation.

For interviews it helps if the place and time are communicated to the respondents beforehand.

The relevance of the research must be clearly communicated to the group and they must be convinced of the relevance. This will result in honest and fruitful discussions.

It is important for the researcher to be highly motivated.

Objectives

The following were the objectives of this study:

To study the impact of the current system of education on social values and behavior in urban and rural areas of Uttarakhand.

To identify the gaps between the parents' expectations from schools and the reality.

To identify the gaps between the expectations of parents and teachers from their children and the reality.

To identify the dilemmas and pressures of parents regarding schooling of their children.

To make a set of recommendations for planners and policy makers of elementary education in the country to make the present-day schooling more relevant.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE MAJOR FINDINGS

The responses as a whole indicate that in rural areas literacy had a major impact on the responses while in urban areas it was the income factor which influenced responses.

There was a clear rural-urban divide as far as the impact of education was concerned. Phrases like barbad ho gaye (our children have been ruined) in rural areas and bigad gaye (our children have become spoilt) in urban areas kept recurring all the time when parents referred to their children or present-day youth. The fact that the impact of education is much more adverse in rural areas is clear when rural parents use the term 'barbad' (ruined) when referring to children or the present-day youth. In contrast urban parents used the term 'bigad' (spoilt).

Parents not only expected the children to imbibe values and ethics, but they also expected schools to teach them to do so. Parents of all categories felt that education must help the child to develop into 'good' human beings.

Parents, especially from the illiterate and low-income groups and rural women defined values positively in terms of ethics, nonviolence, responsibility, faith, and self-esteem, while the urban, literate group defined ethics in negative terms (what shouldn't be) such as not stealing, not breaking locks, not cheating, not lying, not being greedy, not being selfish, not getting angry, not being in bad company, not indulging in vices like smoking, drinking, and gambling etc.

Rural illiterate women made a distinction between internalizing values and external behavior They differentiated between quality (guna) and internalizing the quality (gunana). The stress was on 'being' (hona) rather than 'appearance' (dikhana). More women than men laid emphasis on developing the inner qualities of character.

Rural parents and low-income groups stressed more on livelihoods i.e. going back to their traditional occupations like farming, animal husbandry, etc. In contrast the urban parents wanted their children to get good jobs, and do 'well' in life, which means to enjoy a higher standard of living than their own.

Children from an American international school expected a good school to help a child discover his identity and were concerned with the low self-esteem of Indian children. On the other hand children from a private missionary school following the Indian syllabus, voiced no such concern and expected a good school to help a child succeed in migrating to the United States of America.

All parents felt that the present day education system alienates children from their belief system, which leads to indifference towards land, family, and customs.

It was felt that the literate has more information, can read and write, but his knowledge is restricted to books, and the illiterate has more practical knowledge, and an expertise in some particular skill.

The illiterate person has no shame in doing any kind of manual work while the literate person is choosy about the kind of work he does. The literate person is physically more weak, and less capable. They are more ashamed of doing manual labor than the illiterate person. The literate person does less work at home, likes to roam around, dislikes physical labium, are lazy, prefer to earn a lot of money without putting in enough effort, and they like a lot of rest and leisure.

The inability of the educated to do manual work was a prime concern for all categories of respondents. It was also stated by most that education increases the feeling of inferiority towards working with hands.

The youth also differentiated between superior and inferior work and feel that superior work is that which is done as far from the house or village as possible, and also one in which direct transaction of money was involved. Working with machines is considered superior work while working with hands, whether in the fields or in a craft, is considered inferior work.

The literate is less responsible and lacks discipline, whereas the illiterate person is more responsible towards elders and family. The literate have less respect for the elderly, answer rudely, do what pleases them, orders people older than him/her, and uses more abusive language.

The literate person is selfish and greedy and wants good things (food, clothes and lifestyle). He/she aspires for consumer items and imitates the West. The literate person is more prone to individualism. The literate people have a greater tendency to drink, smoke, gamble, see films and generally spend a lot of money on entertainment.

Most parents felt that school must bestow a sense of discipline and obedience among students. But, all parents rejected beating to discipline the child.

All rural parents felt that the teacher should be a role model for the student. They also feel that a good teacher is one who loves the children so that the children are keen to go to school. While most of the literate, urban parents expected teachers to help the child get through class, competitive examinations, etc.

One main demand of rural parents was that schools should be closer to the village and that local teachers should be recruited.

Absenteeism of teachers was a major complaint of the rural parents, while in urban areas, private tuition was the major problem.

Learning by understanding rather than rote learning was preferred.

MAJOR FINDINGS
The research was originally designed only to explore people's perception about the current system of education, and how it varied across factors like literacy, income, gender, age and urbanization. It was found that literacy had the major influence on the responses followed by the urbanization factor. The findings of the study went well beyond the original objectives. A significant finding was the identification of several contradictions in the views of the people.

Contradiction regarding the role of education, (is it about getting a job or being a good person?) Though they expected their children to be honest, committed, kind, considerate, helpful, etc. they were sending their children to school in the expectation that the children would get jobs, specially government jobs.

Contradiction between their perception of a literate person and their desire to send children to school. The majority responses showed that the perception of a literate person was one who remains unemployed, cannot do manual work, lacks ethics/morality, becomes self-centered, and starts subscribing to the consumer culture. Yet they wanted to send their children to school.

Contradiction between jobs and livelihoods. In rural areas although the people knew that 'one harvest of matar (green peas) could fetch more money than a person's annual salary', yet their priority was a government job for their children.

Contradiction in the attitude to manual labium The people regretted that their literate children did not like to do manual labium, yet they said that they were sending their children to school so that 'they will not have to cut grass and pick up gobar like us'.

Contradiction between their expectations from children and their expectations from schools. Though they expected their children to imbibe humanitarian values, their expectations from school were largely about infrastructure and management issues.

SECTION A: EXPECTATIONS FROM CHILDREN

"Hona sikhao, dikhana nahin" (Teach them 'to be' not 'to appear')

Though the study did not specifically probe the aspect of values in education it is very surprising that imbibing values emerged as an important expectation of all categories of parents. Parents felt that the children must develop into 'good' human beings. Parents not only expected the children to imbibe values and ethics, but they also expected schools to teach them to do so. There was a significant difference in the manner of expression by the rural, illiterate and in particular the women in these categories on one side and the urban educated on the other side.

A majority of the parents, especially from the illiterate, low-income groups and rural women felt that attention needed to be paid to teaching values and ethics in schools. They defined values positively in terms of ethics, nonviolence, responsibility, faith, and self-esteem. Ethics was defined as honesty, justice, truthfulness, integrity and 'shudhta' (clean body, mind and soul). Responsibility was defined as determination, duty and commitment. Rural women spoke much more about integrity and commitment than their urban counterparts. Of particular interest was the distinction they made between internalizing the values and the external behavior They differentiated between quality (guna) and internalizing the quality (gunana). They were more concerned about internalizing qualities of good character (gunana) and the stress was on 'being' (hona) rather than 'appearance' (dikhana). More women than men laid emphasis on developing the inner qualities of character. Parents expected the schools to teach children about values, ethics, responsibility etc. "Teach them how to internalize good teachings not merely to read" (padhna nahin unhe gunana sikhao); "teach them to distinguish between appearing and being" (unhe dikhane aur hone mein fark sikhao) were some of their expectations from schools. Illiterate women said, "It is not enough that children read books, it is important that they are able to distinguish between the right and the wrong kind of books." It is significant when they say, "Goodness must be within oneself, otherwise my defects would be the cause of my ruin" (guna andar hone chahiye nahin to mera avguna mujhe khayega).

Only rural HIG women mentioned qualities of love and nonviolence. But a loose operational definition was given by all rural parents, teachers and children as treating older people with respect, showing hospitality, speaking gently, not fighting with each other, with a lot of emphasis on strong family bonds, "If homes are happy there is happiness outside too" (Ghar shudh bahar bhi shudh).

Parents also expected that education should change the attitude of the children towards working with hands.

The urban, literate group defined ethics in negative terms (what shouldn't be) such as not stealing, not breaking locks, not cheating, not lying, not being greedy, not being selfish, not getting angry, not being in bad company, not indulging in vices like smoking, drinking, and gambling etc. And when they positively defined ethics it was defined in terms of good behavior like politeness, showing respect to parents, etc. It is significant that this group (urban) laid stress on 'appearance' and 'behavior'. They did not make any distinction between 'hona' and 'dikhana'. Significantly, the urban LIG group did not speak about values.

Literacy, much more than income, affected the responses between rural and urban responses. The lower the literacy, the higher was the priority given to inner qualities or character. Even the illiterate HIG men in rural areas, gave priority to good character rather than a job. HIG men did not want their sons to become drivers, because according to them bus drivers and conductors go to 'strange places where they drink and womanize.' They also expected their children to return to farming after guidance in school, though they spoke of cash crops and increase of income by modernizing agricultural techniques. The literate HIG did not give any priority to farming but expected their children to come first in class, get jobs and did not want their children to have tobacco or waste their money. It seems clear that literate rural people were more involved with economic issues while the illiterate people were concerned with issues like ethics, values, etc.

Faith: Rural women and elite children have articulated the concept of faith in different ways. Faith was defined by rural women in terms of absolute faith in some higher power who listens to them if they have integrity. They felt it was important to teach children about commitment and integrity and importance of having credibility with others. They felt that children must be taught the importance of honoring one's word (vachan) and the power it gives to the self. One can get a glimpse of the source of this strength, when an illiterate rural woman says with great confidence that whatever she says has to happen (meri baat puri hogi). They also talk a lot about dharma and how everything works out for those who follow dharma. "Dharmi ki jar hari hari," (one who follows the path of dharma remains happy) or dharmi ka bhala or kar bhala ho bhala (if one does good, one is rewarded). Dharma, in the way it is meant here, is not religion. It is more to do with the 'law of nature' or 'ethical living', or 'a code of conduct to live by'. Great faith is expressed in following the path of dharma. The belief is that in the ultimate analysis one who follows the path of dharma tends to gain and this faith must be inculcated in children.

Significantly, the only other group who spoke of generating faith, joy and power within oneself, self-esteem and developing the voice of conscience to distinguish between the right and wrong were elite school children belonging to an international school in Mussoorie.

"Naukri ki jad pathar par" (A job has no roots)

Education has generally been perceived as a tool to get a job. Here a distinction between the rural and urban definition of a job must be understood. In rural areas of the mountain regions, where job opportunities are nonexistent, the only job is a 'sarkari naukri' (government job), whereas for the urban people a job also includes jobs in the private sector. However, the most coveted job, according to all categories, is a government job, because it means less work, job security and one can also expect 'upar ki amdani' (bribes). Both rural and urban people consider a job, specially a government job, as their goal in life. The difference between the rural and urban people lies in the degree of hope of getting a job. Whereas the urban people still see a job as the only alternative, the rural lot have given up all hope.

A rural, urban and low income, high income divide was seen in the responses. Rural parents and low-income groups stressed more on traditional occupations as compared to urban parents and high-income groups. Rural illiterate women and rural LIG had expectations that their children would earn their livelihood from traditional occupations. With them a job did not enjoy a high priority. "Naukari ki jad pathar par" (a job has shallow roots implying that a job does not have security) was mentioned by many. They elaborated on this by saying that a person dependent on a job is subject to the vagaries of market conditions and inflation, while a person depending mostly on traditional activities like farming etc. was less prone to external factors. They spoke about the hidden costs attached to a paid job (usually in urban centers) like renting a room, transportation and other useless (faltu) expenses e.g., going to a film etc.

The resentment is more acute among rural people who view present-day education as more destructive rather than constructive. For instance, Pulmo Devi, from village Bel Talla says: "I do not know how many opportunities the present system opens up for our children, but it has certainly closed one door for them, that of returning to their fields." "Even graduates cannot get jobs." Most parents consider rising unemployment as resulting in a feeling of hopelessness among the youth. The rural MIG and HIG groups expressed hopelessness regarding getting a job, especially where government jobs were concerned: "Umeed to yahi hai ki DM, Patwari bane, par puri kahan hoti hai" (we hope that our children could become the DM or patwari but how can it happen). It is this sense of despondency, which now makes them wish that their children should rather take up traditional livelihoods as an alternative to a job. The rural parents hope that children should not roam about aimlessly (faltu na ghume). HIG rural men also felt that if their young literate sons could be 'guided' back to their farms, they could earn more from one harvest of cash crops, like peas, than from their annual salary from jobs.

Even among rural children jobs were definitely preferred but they spoke of nontraditional jobs like motor mechanic rather than farming (or other traditional occupations) as the latter was considered to be inferior.

In contrast to the rural parents, the urban parents wanted their children to get 'standard' jobs, and do 'well' in life which meant to enjoy a higher standard of living than their own. Urban children also expected 'standard' jobs (which means a desk job as opposed to working with hands), and would not accept just any job. Girls from urban areas regardless of class, even LIG, wanted to become fashion designers "like Ritu Beri".

SECTION B: EXPECTATIONS FROM SCHOOL

Given the highly qualitative nature of parents' expectations from their children, the expectations of the majority of parents from schools were a study in contrast.

According to government teachers, the most important function of a school, was to help a student get a job, whereas private school teachers saw school as a place to develop the individual interest of the child and inculcate values, confidence and self-esteem in children.

There was a distinct difference between children from two different kinds of urban HIG schools. Children from a school which followed an American syllabus and catered to nonresidential Indian and children from western countries expected a good school to help a child discover his identity and were concerned with the low self-esteem of Indian children. On the other hand children from a private missionary school following the Indian syllabus, voiced no such concern and expected a good school to help a child succeed in migrating to the USA.

Parents expectations from school have been grouped under five broad categories, namely school infrastructure, school management, discipline and hygiene, curriculum/pedagogy, and role of teacher.

i) Infrastructure

Expectations from school infrastructure include the following issues in order of priority, viz. inclusion of sports/cultural activities, benches/chairs, reading material, computer/lab, good building and boarding facility. The need for benches/chair and reading material have been emphasized far more by the rural people rather than urban counterparts.

Urban people irrespective of income groups have spoken of the need of library facilities. Similarly they have also perceived the need of computer learning to be included in the curriculum.

Both urban HIG and rural MIG and HIG parents expected a good school to have good building. The urban HIG wanted hobby classes.

ii) School Management

School management issues according to priority are low teacher-pupil ratio, importance of school dress, having a school near homes, school prayers, having more male teachers, having a good English teacher, having local teachers. Even rural parents expressed the need for PTA meetings. Significantly, rural parents had much more information about the schools and teachers than their counterparts in urban areas.

One main demand of rural parents was that schools should be closer to the village. In the study area, there is one school per gram sabha. A gram sabha may cover three or four villages. This means that children have to walk long distances to reach the school. Not only is this physically strenuous for the young child, but it also prevents the girl child from attending school as it means spending a long time away from home. Another demand of rural parents was that local teachers should be recruited.

iii) Discipline and Hygiene

The concept of discipline was articulated at two levels. One was at the level of the child and the other was the self-discipline on the part of the teachers and school management.

One of the prominent expectations from a good school frequently mentioned by the people was that the school must bestow a sense of discipline and obedience among students. But, all parents rejected beating as a way to discipline the child. Everyone strongly felt that if the teacher was hostile the students would not wish to attend school. However, at the same time parents expect the teacher to be strict and be able to discipline the students. The teachers did not have anything to say about beating the students.

By discipline, the respondents also meant the need to open school on time, regularity of students in attending school and a proper code of conduct. The rural parents strongly objected to the laxity of the present system where the schools are run according to the whims and fancies of the teachers. Rural children also expected a good school to focus on discipline (adhering to time, uniform etc.).

Another factor, which has also been given much importance by the participants, is the issue of cleanliness. Around 50 per cent of the rural HIG parents felt that the students must learn to live more hygienically at home as well as at school. Regularity in school and dressing well/wearing a clean uniform were issues mentioned more by rural parents rather than urban parents.

iv) Curriculum/Pedagogy

The responses on the nature of curriculum/pedagogy have been prioritized as teaching of skills, which are the basis of traditional livelihoods, teaching of moral values/ethics, learning by understanding, teaching of English, and inclusion of indigenous knowledge and general knowledge.

Traditional skills/livelihoods has been given priority both by urban and rural LIG. Learning by understanding rather than rote learning was preferred. Expectation of the rural LIG from their educated children was that they should acquire enough knowledge so as not to get cheated by others. They should not get fooled or bluffed by others (kisi se takkar na khaye) and be able to distinguish between right and wrong.

Necessity of teaching of English was articulated much more by literate rural people, and was not an issue in urban responses, perhaps because English is taught in most urban schools. All urban children expected teaching of English as an important requirement of a good school.

The HIG, urban female and rural children advocated for an open forum/space where the child can express freely without any inhibition or fear, where they can share their feelings openly and be able to articulate their problems.

SIDH teachers and private, elite schoolteachers had a lot to say about curriculum. They advocated a curriculum with the child as the focus. The urban and rural government teachers were completely silent upon this issue.

v) Role of Teacher

"Good schools are made by good teachers, not good students," is what most people felt. The duties expected of a teacher have been prioritized as: good teaching, responsibility, regular attendance, good relationship with children and peers, being a good role model, not beating the child and maintaining discipline in class. All respondents felt that the teacher should be a role model for the student.

By responsibility the rural parents mean that the teacher must be concerned if a child does not come to school, must inquire about his/her personal problems, be sensitive to their needs and act like a guardian in the school. They also feel that a good teacher is one who loves the children so that the children are keen to go to school. A rural parent said: "Roti khate khate bhi school bhag jata hai" (Sometimes the child is so keen to go to school that he rushes off even if he has half eaten his breakfast). Rural parents stressed much more on the importance of the role of a teacher than other groups. Most of the literate, urban parents expected teachers to help the child get through class, competitive examinations, etc

Rural children from government schools expected that teachers should attend classes, not get drunk, and not beat them without any reason. They also expected that teachers should not discriminate between rich and poor, and low and high caste students. Urban LIG and MIG children expected a good teacher to be unbiased, free of personal prejudices and not insult students as it lowered their self-esteem.

Private school teachers laid great stress on the teacher's creativity and also the importance of teachers as role models. However the government school teachers did not comment on the responsibility of teachers. They felt that the parents were indifferent towards the children.

There was a demand for more male teachers. Studies in other regions have found a preference for female teachers. In mountain regions lady teachers find the tough life difficult to adjust to and are thus more prone to absenteeism. Secondly, there was general perception among the participants that discipline among students was a crucial factor and lady teachers are less able to control the students. Another reason for preference for male teachers came from panchayat representatives who felt that it is difficult for them to take any action against lady teachers whereas the male teachers can be questioned and rebuked if they fail in their duties. This needs to be looked at seriously as the general perception is that lady teachers are preferable in primary schools.

"Achcha school? Jahan bachche ja sake." (A good school is where children can go.)

Broadly speaking, access to choices, whether due to the rural, urban factor or income, influenced the expectations of the people. The rural-urban divide was significant because of the limited choice of schools in villages. Perceptions were effected by the exposure of the people. Most definitions of a 'good' school were based on what people had seen. In rural areas where there were fewer choices, the minimum demands of the HIG group was far lower than those of urban LIG group, specially regarding teachers and facilities.

In the rural areas, the majority of LIG, MIG and HIG send their children to government schools. Private schools or schools run by NGOs are available in a few villages. In urban areas people have more choices. The MIG group send their children to private English medium schools. The urban HIG send their children to more expensive elite English medium schools because they feel that there is better discipline, individual attention to weak children, and cleaner surroundings. The LIG group send their children to government schools. Choices for the LIG are however restricted by what is accessible and affordable regardless of where they stay. So we have the rural LIG saying that what is best for them is what is accessible. In fact the concept of 'best' is completely absent in their opinions. A good school is one where the children can go (jahan bachhe ja sake). This is further defined by them as a school which is close to home (transport cost), where there are no rules regarding clean dresses or wearing shoes, fees, tiffin, or where the children do not need to take money to school etc. "The government schools are good enough for us. In private schools there are other expenses and pressures that make it difficult for us."

The nature of complaints of parents also defines good or bad schools. Absenteeism of teachers was a major complaint of the rural parents, and in urban areas, private tuition was the major problem. As tuition has to do with income, we have urban LIGs defining a good school as one where there is no pressure to give tuition, whereas the urban MIGs define a good school as one where the results are good because of the facility of tuition. The MIG come under maximum peer pressure to do their 'best' for their children.

A significant finding was a noticeable change among the urban HIG, in their choice of schools. After class 8, some of them withdraw their children from the elite English medium schools and send their children to Hindi medium government-aided private schools. The reasons given were that these schools are better geared for preparing for competitive exams. Parents also mentioned that in the elite schools due to peer pressure the children would demand a lot of consumer goods and were generally impolite and unruly, which was another reason for withdrawing them from elite schools in higher classes. Though in the lower classes they preferred the elite schools so that the children could become proficient in English and because of other reasons cited elsewhere in this study.

Section C: IMPACT on CHILDREN

"Bachche Barbaad Ho Gaye" (Our children have been ruined)

While exploring the impact of education, phrases like barbad ho gaye (our children have been ruined) and bigad gaye (our children have become spoilt) kept recurring all the time when parents in rural/urban areas referred to their children or present-day youth. The distinction between the terms 'barbad' by rural parents and 'bigad gaye' by urban parents is significant. In rural areas the adverse impact of education has been more devastating. Almost all parents expressed disappointment and unhappiness with the way their children were turning out and blamed the current education system for making their children 'barbaad' or destroying them (in the rural areas) and 'bigaad diya' or for spoiling them (in the urban areas). The word barbad was used by rural parents while referring to youth who refuse to do any work either in the fields or at home even when they are unable to get government or white-collar jobs. These children are useless, they neither earn money nor look after their family and old parents. In the urban context the term "bigad gaye hain" (they have been spoilt) referred to rude, arrogant youth infatuated by the market culture. The present day education has not only alienated the child from the land but also from participating in household activities, as schools are often seen as a means of escaping the drudgery of daily household chores and agricultural activities. All parents felt that the present day education system alienates their children from their belief system, which leads to indifference towards land, family, and customs. The urban MIG felt their children studying in English-medium schools had become emotionally alienated. The majority of them had sent their elder children to non-English medium schools, and so could compare between sibling behavior in the same family. As a result they had a lot of complaints about the English medium schools which according to them was the main reason why their children had become alienated from their families. "Our children have become arrogant and rude." They were unhappy and yet continued to send their children to these schools.

A surprising new trend was noticed among the HIG parents (in Mussoorie) who send their children to elite English medium schools as day scholars (in Mussoorie almost all elite English medium schools are boarding schools). Of late a majority of this group displayed a tendency to withdraw their children from these schools after they have completed class VIII or X and get them admitted to private (government aided) Hindi medium schools. The reasons cited for this were 1) better preparation for competitive examinations in government or Hindi medium schools, (According to the people the children who succeeded in competitive exams were from government schools). 2) Children developing a strong attraction towards expensive consumer items (like Nike, Reebok shoes) which these parents find difficult to afford, 3) Becoming arrogant and rude and 4) In the case of girls – not developing right social 'values'. This is an interesting trend as the same parents initially send their children to these schools for 'better discipline, individual attention and cleaner surroundings' and later regret it.

According to the opinion of the majority young people become 'barbad' or 'bigade' when:

They study but do not get jobs, and choose not to earn their livelihoods by working with their hands (in rural areas).

When they do not respect their parents and elders, do not listen to them, talk rudely, do what they wish to do, behave arrogantly at home, not inform the people at home about their whereabouts (in both rural and urban areas).

When they smoke, drink, steal, cheat, hide facts, run away from school, see too many films (in urban and rural areas).

Everybody agreed that the age of onset of barbadi is between 15-18 years, usually between class 8-10.

The reasons for this phenomenon were wide ranging:

Natural: It is an age, when they get easily insulted, have fragile egos and weak minds, are immature and at an age when bright lights, fashionable things will attract them. He is not scared of his parents and teachers.

Personal/individual: Weak interpersonal relations, no concern for society/country.

Peers: Bad friends are a strong influence.

Parents: Are too lenient, do not scold.

Teachers: They do not guide the youth as they should. Teachers only teach them, they do not get emotionally involved. In rural areas parents complained that sometimes the teachers even ask children to get alcohol for them, do not teach, and beat the children after getting drunk (daru pikar marte hain).

System: Unavailability of jobs, failed aspirations, failing in exams, large classes, irrelevant syllabus, English medium schools (disparate systems), reservation policy, stalling of the hill state of Uttrakhand, corrupt politicians.

External factors: Excess money, market, dominance of TV/media/market. Absence of values except that of market economy. Lack of sensitivity towards other human beings.

"Padha Likha Kahan Fit Hota Hai?" (Where does the educated person fit ?)

Since it was found that with the exception of children and illiterate people, the rest made no distinction between literacy and education, the impact of education was explored by asking people to list the differences between a literate person and an illiterate person. A frequent complaint was the alienation of the educated. "The rural educated fits in a city, and an urban educated person fits in a foreign country" (gaon ka padha-likha shahar mein, aur shahar ka padha-likha videsh mein fit hota hai). No wonder the educated person is unable to make any contribution to society.

The illiterate articulated the pain and problems faced by the illiterates quite vividly. They said that illiteracy "was a curse," they cannot "sit and talk in a group of literates", "nobody asks us for advice", etc. It was found that the lower the literacy the higher the expectations from literacy, some of them as overrated as the completely unfounded claim that the literate people could do anything: "Jo chahe kar sakte hain; jahaj bhi chala sakte hain", that they never get angry ("gussa nahin karte"). Along with this the illiterates had a poor opinion regarding their own status: that they could not do anything, that they are foolish, that the literate can even cut grass better, the literate does everything properly ('padha likha sab kaam dhang se karta hain'). Apart from well-known merits of literacy like self confidence, being able to sign, read/write letters, go out, travel etc., the most overwhelming need for literacy was to prevent being tricked by others ("thage nahin jaye"). Most of the responses were linked to gaining self esteem, sometimes to simple pleasures like, "If my son is literate, then he will add 'Shri' before my name if someone asks him his father's name." Getting cheated is a recurring fear of illiterate people, which works as an important incentive to send their children to school. Yet they also say that it is the literate people who cheat.

The majority responses across all the groups, spoke of certain changes in behavior, attitude and skill that distinguished the illiterate from the literate people. The only positive qualities in favor of the literate are that they have better literacy and communication skills. Although the illiterate believes that the literate 'can do anything', in fact the exact opposite is true. The majority perception is that the illiterate works very hard but earns very little, is the epitome of an ideal person - loving and considerate. However he has one drawback. He/she gets fooled and cheated by literate(!) people. An extreme comment made by one LIG urban male, "RDX ki tor phor padhe likhon ka kaam hai" (Only literate people indulge in dangerous explosives like RDX etc.) The following responses make the distinction fairly clear.

It was felt that the literate has more information, can read and write, but his knowledge is restricted to books, and the illiterate has more practical knowledge, and an expertise in some particular skill ("kisi hunar mein top mein hote hain"). The illiterate person also has a quicker grasp of things/facts.

The illiterate has a sharper memory than his literate counterpart, as he has more opportunities for mental exercise and is not dependent on the written word.

The illiterate person has no shame in doing any kind of manual work like taking care of animals, cleaning the house, cutting grass, working in the fields, picking up gobar and other loads, etc., while the literate is more inhibited regarding the kind of work he does. The word 'standard' recurs often in their responses ("unhe standard ki naukri chahiye"). The literate person is physically more weak, less capable.

The literate person has less confidence in his abilities.

The illiterate seems more satisfied with his lot and happier than the literate.

The literate is less responsible and lacks discipline, whereas the illiterate person thinks of the future and the past ("aage piche dekhta hai"). The illiterate person is more responsible towards elders and family. The literate person does less work at home, likes to roam around, likes to rest more, dislikes physical labium, is lazy, prefers to earn a lot of money with minimum effort, and they like a lot of rest and leisure ("unhe aram chahiye").

The literate person is selfish and greedy and wants good things (food, clothes and lifestyle). He/she aspires for consumer items and imitates the west. The literate person is more prone to individualism. The literate people have a greater tendency to drink, smoke, gamble, see films and generally spend a lot of money on entertainment.

Every group felt that the present education system while teaching literacy skills also damages the 'goodness' in the student's character. Compared to the illiterate the literate people are more arrogant, greedy, crooked, bad tempered, and less truthful and tolerant. The literate person tells more lies and indulges in more petty thefts, (chori, dakaiti, ulta kaam) than the illiterate person. The literate person is undisciplined, has less respect for the elderly, answers rudely, does what he pleases, orders people older than him/her, and speaks more abusive language.

The illiterate persons in rural areas still consider their traditional occupation as an alternative to a job, but not so the literate person.

"Kya isiliye padhaya tha?" (Is this why you sent us to school?)

The inability of the educated to do manual work was a prime concern for all categories of respondents. It was also stated by most that education increases the feeling of inferiority towards working with hands, and this has far reaching effects upon their lives. The illiterates agree that working with hands is very important but it is not respectable. So though all illiterate and neo-literate rural men and women stressed the importance of working with hands especially in the fields they thought it was inferior work since working with hands does not get social prestige. There was one exception. The urban, low-income illiterate females were the only group that seemed very proud of the fact that they cut grass and take care of the cows as it made them independent of their in-laws, their maliks (masters) or husbands and they could provide milk to their children and family.

Working with hands, whether in the fields or in a craft, is considered inferior work and youth often say, "Is this why you sent us to school?" ("kya isiliye padhaya tha?"). HIG rural women commented that literate children often think: "Mujhe neta banna hai, kahe ko katu ghas, kahe ko chalu hal, kahe palu bhans" (I have to become a big man, so why should I cut grass, plow the fields or look after the buffaloes?).

The youth also differentiated between superior and inferior work and feel that superior work is that which is done as far from the house or village as possible and also one in which direct transaction of money was involved. A discussion regarding superior and inferior work revealed that superior work meant working outside the home, working with pen and paper, seated upon a chair; working with machines; without dirtying one's hands; and in which direct transaction of money is involved. Literate people did superior work.

The rural illiterate women expected education to show a way out of their drudgery. They hoped that their children would not have to 'cut grass and pick up gobar like us'.

While differentiating between illiterate and literate people, most of the participants, irrespective of the income group or region, felt that the illiterate people still have the ability to do manual work and they regard it as a skill which is sustaining our rural society. It was found that illiterate boys and girls were physically capable of working with their hands, but a literate person gets blisters on his hands ("padhe likhe ke haath mein chale par jate hain"). An illiterate person acquired some particular skill, and was not ashamed to work with his hands, and also did not need 'good food, clothes, shoes' as his needs were more basic.

CONCLUSIONS

The study showed that there was a gap between what parents expected the school to teach their children (in terms of values, ethics, behavior, character building etc.) and what the schools were actually teaching. However, this link was not perceived directly by the parents. This gap was revealed when they discussed the impact of education on children.

The study revealed that there was a sense of deep disappointment in the way education is molding the aspirations of the young in an unrealistic manner. While exploring the impact of education, phrases like barbad ho gaye (our children have been destroyed) in rural areas and bigad gaye (our children have become spoilt) in urban areas kept recurring all the time when parents referred to their children or present-day youth. All groups of urban parents and rural HIG parents regretted that education had inculcated the consumer culture among children. Parents said that children liked to go to the market, buy expensive goods, stay out of the house till late at night, and considered western people as their role models. This was in a way confirmed by children of an elite English school when they said that the role of a good school was to help a child migrate to the USA!

On the other hand, it was precisely to prevent children from getting spoilt, that most urban HIG parents, (who probably have the maximum choices,) withdrew their children after Class 8 from elite English medium schools and put them in government-aided schools. They felt that there was something wrong with the English medium schools, both girls and boys imbibe wrong (consumer) values and social behavior

Rural parents strongly criticized modern education. They felt it had alienated the children from the community and its belief systems which led to indifference towards land, family, culture and customs. The alienation of literate youth from their land, culture, and the feeling of inferiority towards physical labium is the most destructive aspect of the present education system. Rural youth refused to engage in agriculture or other traditional occupations and preferred instead to take up a job in urban centers Migration has directly been linked to the spread of education. The problem does not stop here. The youth refuse to work on the land and instead migrate to cities in search of jobs. Not only are there not enough jobs available but given the poor quality of education that they have received they are in fact 'unemployable'. On one hand this fuels the rising unemployment levels in urban centers while on the other hand agricultural lands lie fallow due to lack of labium for cultivation.

Their perception of a literate person was most revealing. According to them a literate person was one who does less work, likes to uselessly roam around, is lazy, prefers to earn a lot of money with minimum effort, is selfish and greedy, only wants the good things of life, is more prone to individualism, has less affection for his family, has less respect for elders, and is not satisfied with what he has. There were other very serious aspersions on the impact of education. Many felt that education made people arrogant, rude, greedy, crooked, selfish, less truthful and intolerant. That it promoted individualism. That educated people become lazy, made them shirk work (kaam chor), it made them indulge in ulta kaam (chori, dakaiti).Thus the parents' expectation of what children should be after being educated is very different from what they actually are, after being educated.

These are serious accusations against modern education, which were revealed through the responses of parents, perhaps in an indirect fashion. Although all, including the urban HIG parents seemed unhappy with the impact of education, yet no one had any positive suggestions on how to improve the system.

But despite disappointment with the education system, parents are still sending children to school. There seems to be general consensus on this. An important reason seems to be social pressure. They are sending their children to school because 'everyone does so'. Or because "What will our neighbors think?" Or like an urban low income group 14-year-old child said, "I have never seen a single child between 5-10 years who does not go to school." Even if we consider this claim slightly exaggerated, it is still an indication of how schools are a nonnegotiable even in small towns.

Thus the major gap in our present education system has been the separation of values and ethics from classroom learning. Classroom learning has narrowed down to only imparting information to the exclusion of everything else. The people want a value-based education system that will make their children useful, productive members of society. What the education system has instead done is to alienate the children from their own society and family, and made them members of a market-driven, consumption oriented society. Education has failed to nurture human beings in the true and fullest sense of the term; instead it produces unthinking automatons, who can only fit into a consumer culture. These disappointments and frustrations of parents came out in the course of the study. It is abundantly clear that the present system is not attuned to the needs of the people. There is a need to explore and evolve a system which is relevant to the needs and aspirations of the people.

DISCUSSION

The Two Roles of Education

There are two conflicting points of view regarding education. On one hand there is the utilitarian view of education which stresses on producing manpower in a competitive world. On the other hand there is the classical ideal of education as the development of an individual as an individual, beyond what is required by his vocational and civic role. One of the most significant finding of this study is that, by and large, our rural folk still believe in the classical ideal of education. Their demand for values as opposed to jobs and livelihoods was similar to what Gandhiji had said way back in 1916: "Education is not an end in itself but a tool. Education that strengthens our moral character is true education." Thus what the rural majority are asking for is 'true education'. But our education system has been veering more and more towards the utilitarian role and this trend has influenced the mindset and expectations of the literate people.

The study was originally designed to study people's perception about education and see how it varied with different categories like literacy, income, gender, and urbanization. It was also our intention to see if there was a gap between their expectations from education or schools and the reality. Hence no questions were asked about values and ethics, but it came across very forcefully that all parents were deeply concerned about teaching children values and ethics. Parents, specially from rural areas and from illiterate and low-income groups, laid a lot of stress on inculcating values in children, and they also expected the schools to perform this role.

Integrity: Hona vs. Dikhana (Being vs. Appearing)